ABSTRACT: In celebration of 100 years since the birth of the world-renowned revolutionary theoretician, Frantz Fanon, this essay pulls from his complete works to examine his living relevance to the ongoing anti-colonial struggle and genocidal war in Gaza. In doing so, we seek to make critical, connective links across time and geography, while answering the call of others before us to reclaim a revolutionary Fanon against the largely superficial iconography in popular media and spaces of Western, liberalistic activism, as well as his, now well-known and documented, appropriation by academia for a counter-revolutionary “post-colonial” discourse.  

This past month has witnessed a flood of tributes and statements celebrating the centenary of the birth of Frantz Fanon. A mammoth and indeed legendary figure of Third World anti-colonial praxis, Fanon’s political thought and writings have inspired revolutionaries and shaped the ideology and political praxis of anti-colonial movements worldwide for almost eight decades.  

Born in Martinique in 1925, Fanon would, in his short lifetime, author three world-shaking volumes of African revolutionary thought, with a fourth book of his writings published shortly after his death of leukemia at the age of thirty-six.¹ In addition to a vast collection of essays for El Moudjahid, the political newspaper of the Algerian Front de libération nationale (FLN), as well as political, psychiatric, and literary works recently published in the collection Alienation and Freedom², the four complete books would include: Peau noire, masques blancs (1952), L'an V de la révolution algérienne (1959), Les damnés de la terre (1961), and Pour la révolution africaine (1964). The first appeared in English as Black Skin, White Masks, while the L’an V would be published under several titles before settling as A Dying Colonialism in 1967. His final work, Les damnés de la terre, was, in fact, the first of his books to be translated to English—initially as The Damned before becoming The Wretched of the Earth in 1965. The posthumous Pour la révolution africaine collected essays written from 1952-1961 and appeared in English as Toward the African Revolution in 1969. Totaling less than 900 pages in all, these four texts remain essential and foundational works within global canons of revolutionary theory and anti-colonial thought.³

In popular discourse, Fanon is sometimes introduced as merely a psychiatrist from Martinique and critic of colonial racism, often signifying a narrow, academic association with his first and most politically conservative work, Peau noir, masque blancs. Elsewhere, he is labeled as an “apostle of violence,” signifying a colonially racist, phobic rejection of anti-colonial resistance and a narrow reading of his in fact richly nuanced and highly developed concept of violence across his collected works, both in its “pure” form as colonial violence and its anti-colonial form as resistance, or counterviolence.⁴ Elsewhere still, he is referred to as the “Marx of the Third World,” most appropriately placing him within a revolutionary anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist political-intellectual and resistance tradition. This is in spite of the confused protests by certain orthodox and dogmatic, Western interpreters of Marx or by certain identity-based readings that like to decontextualize his famous comments on “stretching Marxism” to infer a largely imagined rejection of Marxism as a school of thought, rather than a rejection of the particular dogma’s of self-professed “Marxists.”⁵ Both perspectives maintain a dead sort of bookish Marxism, divorced from a living dialectical materialism that is a methodological tool of revolutionary praxis, and not a set of narrow, culturally or historically specific definitions. Definitions that themselves often ignore Marx’s own layers of logical abstraction to create permanent, indiscriminately applied laws out of conditional statements, mechanically reducing capitalism and imperialism to fixed things rather than processes with extreme flexibility.

Indeed, as a figure commodified in popular media as mere icon and appropriated and vulgarized by the “wily intellectuals”⁶ of academia who “apportion Fanon for a post- or anti-revolutionary class-specific initiative,” it is easy to lose sight of the revolutionary Fanon.⁷ The Pan-African, Third World Marxist Fanon. The anti-colonial, rather than “post-colonial,” Fanon of Third World revolution.⁸ The Fanon whose complete works not only inspired revolutionaries globally but maintain a living relevance to our present era of ongoing anti-colonial struggle. The living Fanon through whom we can make critical, connective links across time and geographies to carry forward the kind of resistance work—physical, ideological, economic, cultural, intellectual and otherwise—necessary to finally put to death this colonizing imperialism of the West that today rains down the most colossal violence upon the wretched of the earth globally, but most especially in Gaza.

Colonialism is complex, living, and adaptive. Its violence is flexible and has had many faces across space and time that merit detailed, localized study so that our resistance can be equally flexible, adaptive, and specific. We reject, however, any sort of “theoretical nihilism” based on “mere accumulation of…detailed distinctions”⁹ that would too neatly periodize and compartmentalize different eras and geographies such that lessons from one era or area cannot be carried forward to another. We instead find the comparative and historical exercise to be practically useful for both broad theoretical understanding and for praxis work in the material, living world, beyond the petrified academic or media symbol stripped of substance.

And indeed, across Fanon’s complete oeuvre it is easy to find profound commentary on the fundamental nature and methods of colonialism that draw clear and obvious parallels to our present, not-so-post-colonial situation, particularly in Gaza.

In a March 15, 1958 essay for El Moudjahid, “The survivors of no man’s land,” Fanon would state, for instance, that

Setting up the buffer zone is one of the desperate measures that France has undertaken and that vividly illustrates the totally ineffective but fundamentally criminal character of its Algeria policy. We have said it over and over, the force of arms will never dent the will of the Algerian people. The giant sweep operations carried out by half a dozen divisions have never resulted in anything…Of almost nil military value, the decision to institute a no man’s land along the Tunisian border is in fact essentially aimed at the civilian population, part of a vast plan of extermination.¹⁰

Indeed, anyone who has followed the past 22 months of Israel’s genocidal war—the latest phase in its long Nakba against the Palestinian people—can hardly fail to recognize the Zionist criminal campaign of civilian genocide in the above description from Fanon. Much like the “Algeria policy,” the criminal Zionist campaign has been characterized by systematic failure and the complete absence of any meaningful military accomplishment. Unable to meet any of their stated military objectives, the Zionists have instead resorted to their usual and preferred method of war—the genocide of civilians through direct massacre, the total destruction of civilian infrastructure, wanton terror and military vandalism, and the creation of “buffer zones” and corridors that divide and destroy the Strip.¹¹

In an earlier El Moudjahid essay, “The strategy of an army with its back to the wall,” Fanon describes the brutality involved in the establishment of these buffer zones, set up to “isolate Algeria from the world abroad and thus to prevent any weapons from getting to the ALN.”¹² He narrates evacuation orders with minimal notice and nowhere to go but into the occupiers bullets or concentration camps. He describes the use of supposed “weapons smuggling” as a pretext for waging war on a civilian population in a manner that vividly invokes the Zionist carving up and ethnic cleansing of Gaza, where—contrary to Zionist propaganda and war pretext—the resistance has long relied upon locally manufactured rather than smuggled weapons.¹³

…hidden behind the border buffer zone, sheltered by the ring of fire surrounding Algeria, the colonialist army will have total freedom to intensify the war against the civilian populations and pursue its policy of genocide.¹⁴

Much like the French colonial destruction and “force of arms” could “never dent the will of the Algerian people” then, however, it is clear that no victory is possible now for this Zionist settler-colony and the US-led imperialism it serves. No matter how desperately they search for false images of victory, the resistance of Gaza defies, remaining unbroken, steadfast, and in many ways strengthened throughout these months of war, while the Zionist project stands on the brink of collapse, exposed as the genocidal pariah colony of a discredited and dying US-led Western imperial order.  

Fanon would continue “The survivors of no man’s land” by documenting the atrocities of the French in Algeria, characterized as “unprecedented barbarism” and a systematic and “immense attempt at genocide.”¹⁵ His portrait of the colonial genocide would add further testimony to his already famous statements on torture as a “way of life” and a “fundamental necessity of the colonial world” in his essay “Algeria Face to Face with the French Torturers” published in Toward the African Revolution.¹⁶

Here and elsewhere, Fanon makes synonymous torture and colonialism: “One cannot be both in favor of the maintenance of French domination in Algeria and opposed to the means that this maintenance requires” he writes. “Torture in Algeria is not an accident, or an error, or a fault” he would continue, “Colonialism cannot be understood without the possibility of torturing, of violating, or of massacring. Torture is the expression and a means of the occupant-occupied relationship [emphasis mine].”¹⁷ Concluding here that, “the colonialist structure rests on the necessity of torturing, raping, and committing massacres”¹⁸ he would detail evidence of torture, rape, and massacre, in “survivors:”

Armed to the teeth…the French soldiers break into dwellings, torture, slit throats, mutilate. Pillage and rape preside over their actions. The fellahs’ meagre provisions are destroyed, the livestock taken, the houses and gourbis (shacks) set ablaze. The women, regardless of age, are raped in front of their children. Even mature men are sexually assaulted right before their families…babies are torn from their mother’s arms and thrown under tanks, whilst children beset with panic and attempting to escape are mown down by bursts of machine gun fire…France plays the role of monstrous executioner. These monstrous acts show the extent to which France has resolved to pursue and intensify its genocidal undertaking.”¹⁹

Who among us cannot recall the repeated footage of Israeli Mervaka tanks running slowly over the living bodies of Palestinians from the feet up for the sadistic pleasure of the occupier?²⁰ Who among us has not seen the daily footage of endless massacres whether they be aid-, flour-, tent-, Nuseirat-, al-Shifa, al-Quds, al-Ahli, Kamel Adwan, or Nasser Hospital-massacres? Children shot by snipers, beheaded by US-made-bombs, homes missiled and demolished, tents set ablaze?²¹ Entire neighborhoods razed and turned into apocalyptic wastelands?²² The systematic rape of Palestinians in the concentration camps of the Zionists?²³ The hundreds of thousands killed, and more dying every single day from the systematic campaign of mass starvation as a weapon of war, pushing Gaza into IPC Phase 5 famine²⁴…each attempt to cite the latest atrocity is dated by tomorrow’s new atrocity with fresh testimony arriving every minute, every hour, every day…

“Today, a declining colonialism reveals its true face”²⁵ Fanon writes in another El Moudjahid essay, “Ultracolonialism’s rationale.” And indeed, Zionism’s true face has been revealed to the world. A face that has been known since its original violent usurpation, but that has been exposed on an unprecedented, mass scale in the longest and most violent war against the Entity to date.

Describing French methods of torture, mass intimidation, collective punishment, and general lawlessness in “The calvary of a people,” Fanon simultaneously paints a portrait of modern Zionism with all its brazen lawlessness and Dahiya Doctrines when he details methods of “French colonialism intended to isolate the ‘rebellious core’ by terrorizing the rest of the country.”²⁶ Exposing the French and the Western order more broadly, Fanon would describe the colonial war as having “operated irremediably outside the law…[having] not desisted from perpetrating any act at all, no matter how horrible” before quoting observers that declared French colonialism in Algeria to be “the greatest shame of Western humanity.”²⁷

Elsewhere, and much as he declared torture synonymous with colonialism, Fanon would identify colonial violence and genocide as synonymous with Western “humanism” itself. In doing so he would surely utterly reject the kind of oft-heard liberalistic cries of “shame!” that echo ad-nauseum at every non-violent protest in the West. As if it was not Fanon that stated most plainly that “you will never make colonialism blush for shame [emphasis mine]”²⁸ or, that colonialism will not “commit suicide” but that it is violence in its purest form and will thus “defend itself fanatically.”²⁹ Outside of and against the shamelessly anti-human “humanism” of the West, then,—which conceives of humanity “as a monopoly of white ‘civilization’ in a mythology of white supremacy that conveniently and narcissistically pictures Blacks and (other non-whites) as ‘primitives’ and ‘savages’”³⁰ —Fanon calls instead for the revolutionary birth of a ‘new humanism’ and indeed ‘new world.’ A new world that can only be born, dialectically, out of the “rotting corpse”³¹ of the old, through counterviolence and the revolutionary struggle against US-led global imperialism and its local agents.

Against the total violence of colonialism, then—which, as he would write in A Dying Colonialism does not satisfy itself merely with “occupation of territory”  or the “soil” but penetrates into “the country as a whole, its history, its daily pulsation…disfigured, in the hope of a final destruction [emphasis mine]”³² occupying the very breathing of the colonized through a colonization of the air and atmosphere itself—an equally complete, anti-colonial ‘calling into question’ of the entire colonial situation is necessitated.  And it is clear, says Fanon, that this “narrow world, strewn with prohibitions, can only be called in question by absolute violence [emphasis mine].”³³

For Fanon, violence was the means by which the colonized not only restored their humanity but, indeed, created a new humanity, a new being, reborn from the corpse of the old in order to create a new world. Fanon’s disalienating solution to the inferiority complexes and autophobic consciousness of the colonized, dehumanized by this Western order as sub-, or non-human, and made a “thing,” would be revolutionary counterviolence. “At the level of the individual,” he would thus write, “violence is a cleansing force. It frees the native from his inferiority complex and from his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless and restores his self-respect.”³⁴ At the level of the society, it meant more than individual acts of counterviolence, but a total revolutionary rebirth and transformation into a new revolutionary culture that flips of the values systems of the West and creates a new world.³⁵ “Decolonization” Fanon would thus state:

...never takes place unnoticed for it influences individuals and modifies them fundamentally…It brings a natural rhythm into existence, introduced by new men, and with it a new language and a new humanity. Decolonization is the veritable creation of new men…the "thing" which has been colonized becomes man during the same process by which it frees itself. In decolonization, there is therefore the need of a complete calling in question of the colonial situation. If we wish to describe it precisely, we might find it in the well-known words: ‘The last shall be first and the first last.’ Decolonization is the putting into practice of this sentence…That affirmed intention to place the last at the head of things… can only triumph if we use all means to turn the scale, including, of course, that of violence.³⁶

Against the total war of settler-colonial genocide, against the defeatist comprador disarmament of Oslo, neocolonial puppet governments, and failed NGO liberalisms, the Palestinian and regional axis of resistance have restored self-respect. They have permanently shattered any illusion of Israeli or, indeed, Western invincibility through their steadfast resistance that—after 22 months of war—maintains an operational tempo that is crippling the Zionist army and whole Western imperial order.

The neocolonial Arab states and puppet rulers that are subordinate and collaborative partners of this US-led capital in underdeveloping the region and repressing its people and their resistance are not left unscathed by Fanon’s scorching criticism, either. Hardly a “post”-colonialist, no matter what the mouthpieces of imperialism and its ivory towers say, Fanon would prophetically and incisively predict our present era of neocolonialism throughout his works, perhaps most famously in Wretched of the Earth and his essays from Toward the African Revolution.

Distinguishing, for instance, between “true independence [emphasis mine]” and independence of mere flag, that “pseudo-independence in which ministers having a limited responsibility hobnob with an economy dominated by the colonial pact,” Fanon would insist that liberation could only mean the “total destruction of the colonial system.”³⁷ In his chapter on “The Pitfalls of National Consciousness” in Wretched of the Earth, Fanon would paint a psychological portrait of this “native” lumpen-bourgeoisie as compradors who “have nothing better to do than to take on the role of manager for Western enterprise” turning their states into “brothel[s] for Europe.”³⁸ Content to underdevelop their countries while taking on the role of “business agent” for the Western bourgeoisie proper, this intermediary class

…follows the Western bourgeoisie along its path of negation and decadence without ever having emulated it in its first stages of exploration and invention, stages which are an acquisition of that Western bourgeoisie whatever the circumstances. In its beginnings, the national bourgeoisie of the colonial countries identifies itself with the decadence of the bourgeoisie of the West. We need not think that it is jumping ahead; it is in fact beginning at the end. It is already senile before it has come to know the petulance, the fearlessness, or the will to succeed of youth.³⁹

Fanon’s portrait of the comprador bourgeoisie finds echoes in the works of Ali Kadri who, in writing on present-day Arab de-development at the hands of US-led capital and such collaborationist regimes, would describe continued comprador class mimicry as “ostentatious displays of wealth and privilege…[emulating] the consumption patterns of its central [Western bourgeoisie] counterpoints.”⁴⁰ Indeed, the neocolonial, neoliberal era of capitalist imperialism in the Arab world can be characterized by this comprador consumption, deindustrialization, and de-development that relinquishes sovereignty and security by submitting to US-led capital demands in a systematic pattern of defeat and acquiescence.⁴¹ These betrayals and the resultant development of the neocolonial state constitute the very “pitfalls” that Fanon foresaw and forewarned so urgently in his final masterwork, Wretched of the Earth.

This masterwork, still largely neglected by academia and referenced mostly as throwaway symbol in popular media today, did not need decades to resonate with the “wretched of earth” globally upon release. Instead, revolutionaries around the world resonated deeply with Fanon’s analysis of colonialism and urgent call for armed anti-colonial revolt, particular in the face of a bourgeoning neocolonialism.

Indeed, none other than Ali Shariati—the Iranian militant described as “the main ideologue of the 1979 Iranian Revolution”⁴²—would help bring Wretched of the Earth to the Iranian intellectual world. A member of the National Front, which under Mossadegh’s leadership nationalized Iranian oil in 1951, Shariati translated portions of Wretched, along with earlier Fanon texts such as L’An V, or what is now A Dying Colonialism, for the Iranian public.⁴³ Through Shariati, Fanon’s works would find extraordinarily “fertile ground in Iran”⁴⁴ where, “in the early days of the revolution, posters bearing Fanon’s image [and writings]…began to appear” en masse.⁴⁵ Describing Fanon as his “genius friend” and “one of the most beautiful heroic figures in these cowardly times”⁴⁶ Shariati would publish portions of letters the two exchanged, highlighting, in particular, Fanon’s analysis of the role of Islam in the struggle. In one such letter, Fanon would write:

[The world of] Islam has fought against the west and colonialism more than all Asia and all Africa…And although I do not feel the same way towards it as you, I would like to emphasize, more than you do yourself, your remark that Islam harbours, more than any other social powers of ideological alternatives in the third world (or, with your permission, the near and Middle-East), both an anticolonialist capacity and an anti-western character.⁴⁷

Fanon’s letter could thus anticipate the desecularization of the regional armed resistance to Zionism and US-led imperialism in the decades to follow.⁴⁸ While recognizing the profound revolutionary potential of Islamic anti-colonialism, he would nonetheless see it as a powerful potential vehicle to liberation, but not an end in itself, as it was a path that risked sectarian division and pitfalls.

I hope that your authentic intellectuals may make good use of the immense cultural and social resources harboured in Muslim societies and minds, with the aim of emancipation and the founding of another humanity and another civilization, and breathe this spirit in the weary body of the Muslim orient…Nevertheless, I think that reviving sectarian and religious mindsets could impede this necessary unification—already difficult enough to attain—and divert that nation yet to come, which is at best a ‘nation in becoming’, from its ideal future, bringing it instead closer to its past.⁴⁹

While seeing their paths as at times divergent and “even opposed,” Fanon would ultimately insist that “despite appearances, your efforts to this end are not incompatible with my aim” and that “both paths will ultimately join up towards the destination where humanity lives well.”⁵⁰ Thusly, Fanon could raise concerns over the potential for sectarianism without rejecting Islam and, instead, seeing within it its extraordinary potential as a progressive force when unified with anti-colonial resistance praxis. In this regard, Fanon can help us understand the appeal, strength, and historic and progressive contributions of Islamic resistance groups such as Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, or Hezbollah—as well as their political connections and continuities with secular-nationalist or Leftist resistance groups—while rejecting the sectarian, reactionary violence and terrorism of certain Western backed and created “Islamic” forces—whether they call themselves al-Qaida one day, al-Nusra, HTS, or ISIS the next—that have wreaked havoc in the region, perhaps most notably in Syria.⁵¹

Returning to his works for El Moudjahid, Fanon would conclude his essay on the “strategy of an army with its back to the wall” by stating that:

Owing to its very nature, the Algerian revolution can only beam brightly to the outside and arouse help and sympathy. The obscure times when a martyred Algeria whimpered as if in an immense isolation cell are past. Breaking its chains and bars, the Algerian people have restored contact with its brother peoples. The Algerian revolution, assured of support from all the forces of freedom, is already triumphant. All colonialist strategies are doomed to failure. The day is not far away when the French Army will be prohibited from Algeria as a whole.⁵²

And indeed, the jailbreak that began with al-Aqsa Flood broke the “chains and bars” of deadlock siege and normalization and “restored contact” with the world, beaming brightly and arousing global support for the Palestinian people against the Zionist settler-colonial fascism that has plagued the region these many decades. But like France in Algeria, all of the Zionist colonial strategies—however devastating they may be to the masses of suffering civilians—are ultimately doomed to failure and the day is not far away when Zionism will be prohibited from a liberated Palestine, the region, and the world as a whole. The Palestinian revolution is already triumphant.

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ENDNOTES